The recent elections for the President of the Republic of Poland, as well as polls depicting support for political parties, are increasingly outlining the contours of a growing force whose face is Grzegorz Braun. Although this politician is mainly known for his controversies, colorful statements, and radical views, it is worth looking at the movement he leads from a historical perspective. Such an analysis leads to rather alarming conclusions.
What was Christus Rex and what is KKP?
The Rexist Party, established by Léon Degrelle in Belgium in the first half of the 1930s, began as an extremely right-wing and radically Catholic movement, focusing on 'moral rebirth'—both social and religious. Initially, the Rexists were not a significant force on the Belgian political scene, but their accurate criticism of corruption, scandals, and the incompetence of the then-government allowed them to gain as much as 11% support in 1936.
After the Nazi attack on Belgium, the Rexists openly collaborated with the Nazis. This allowed them to take control of the media and regional administration and to form their own militias. Members of the movement later fought against the Soviet Union in the ranks of the collaborative Waffen-SS 'Walloon Legion,' initially commanded by Degrelle himself. The end of Rexism came with the arrival of the Allies—the party's elite were executed, and the group itself was dissolved.
Grzegorz Braun, on the other hand, is an extremely right-wing politician who began his adventure with big politics by running for the Senate in 2007, later running for president in 2015. However, he gained real recognition by joining the structures of the Confederation of Freedom and Independence and winning a parliamentary seat in 2019. He registered his own formation, part of the Confederation, a year later under the name Confederation of the Polish Crown. According to observers, it was to serve as a 'binding agent' between the free-market advocates of the KORWiN party (today New Hope) and the nationalists of the National Movement. Braun's party, however, stood out with a much stronger religious accent—as the only one, it directly referred to the idea of the Enthronement of Jesus Christ as King of Poland, and among its members, there was a susceptibility to various conspiracy theories.
Let us therefore take a closer look at the analogies connecting both formations to assess to what extent one is the ideological heir of the other.
Traditionalist Catholicism
The foundation of both movements is a strong emphasis on the role of the Church and traditional moral norms. Their 'moral revolution' has one, undisguised goal: to impose on society full integrity with the teachings of the Catholic Church, which is to become the basis of the legal and social order. The fetishization of the traditional family model, belief in the literal infallibility of the Holy Scriptures, the inseparable intertwining of ultra-Catholicism with patriotism, and the fight against broadly understood 'progressivism'—communism, feminism, or LGBT rights—are elements that most strongly resemble Grzegorz Braun to Léon Degrelle.
Enthronement
Both the Rexists and the Braunists refer in their programs and names to the concept of a monarchy in which the ruler is not only an earthly king but above all the biblical Jesus Christ. The Crown and the Latin 'Rex' refer to—the irony—the Jewish carpenter from Nazareth, to whom both Degrelle and Braun offered this crown 90 years later. It can be assumed that the founder of Christianity would rather not accept this symbol of earthly power and oppression, reminding of his 'kingdom not of this world.' His pacifism and call to love one's neighbor also seem to elude both leaders. It is worth adding that the enthronement movement in the form propagated by these circles is not recognized by the Vatican.
Antisemitism
The views of Léon Degrelle and Grzegorz Braun on the Jewish question are almost identical. Both based their rhetoric on conspiracy theories. According to Degrelle, the Jews were to blame for the outbreak of World War II; Braun, on the other hand, believes that the 'Jewish conspiracy' aims to create a 'second Israel' on the territory of Poland. As he thundered during one of his speeches: 'Jews are enemies of Poland, Polish independence, the Polish nation; from their perspective, the horizon of events is the hostile takeover of the territory.' Both also undermine the truth about the Holocaust—even though the leader of the Rexists was a cog in the machine of extermination, and the leader of the KKP lives in times when the genocide carried out by the Third Reich is documented beyond any doubt.
Of course, their practice differs. The KKP 'only' spews hatred and conspiracy theories, which, however, could lead to a tragedy much greater than extinguishing Hanukkah candles with a fire extinguisher. For now, nothing foreshadows an armed struggle in the style of Degrelle, who, by the way, until the end of his life regretted only that he 'did not succeed,' declaring that if he had a second chance, he would strike with 'much greater force.'
Economic Sovereignty
Here we can see some differences in methods. The Rexists advocated for corporatism, i.e., 'cooperation' of classes within the nation. Braun, on the other hand, openly promotes national liberalism, rejecting workers' rights and social privileges. Degrelle built support among workers, peasants, and the bourgeoisie, promising to reconcile their interests. Braun, although he also courts farmers and entrepreneurs, does so through postulates often harmful to the working class (e.g., abolishing the minimum wage) and shows no interest in corporate models. Despite these nuances, the direction is the same: striving for complete nationalization of the economy, economic sovereignty, and rejection of democracy in favor of open authoritarianism.
Fascination with a Criminal Power
The Rexists went from sympathy, through fascination, to collaboration with the Third Reich. Hitler's aggression against Belgium became a trampoline to power at the side of the occupier. It is therefore no surprise that the Confederation of the Polish Crown also seeks inspiration and support in the East. The warm words of Grzegorz Braun addressed to the Russian Federation and Vladimir Putin, who allegedly offers Europe 'sensible conservatism instead of neo-Marxist ideology,' are well known. It was Braun's people who scared with the 'Ukrainization of Poland' in the face of the wave of war refugees; he collaborated with the pro-Russian patostreamer Wojciech Olszański or Mateusz Piskorski, accused of espionage. This raises justified concerns that in the event of a conflict, Grzegorz Braun might not hesitate to collaborate with Russia to gain political influence.
Anti-Communism
Grzegorz Braun does not hide his sympathy for Janusz Waluś, the murderer of a communist activist in South Africa, which clearly shows that politics stands higher than human life for him. Demanding Waluś's return to the country, he stated in the Sejm: 'I place myself on the side of those who consider shooting communist party secretaries as an act not necessarily requiring penalization, and in some cases, an action perhaps in a state of higher necessity.' This perfectly fits into the Rexists' pattern of thinking, for whom communists embodied moral degradation—something the leader of the KKP eagerly emphasizes, using the lever 'leftism.' Braun rejects the fact of Poland's liberation from German occupation by the Red Army, and he recognizes the Polish People's Republic exclusively as a time of enslavement, declaring hatred for the 'reds.' It remains an irony of fate that he is supported by some activists of the Communist Party of Poland.
The Threat of Hatred
Grzegorz Braun is a dangerous figure. He has repeatedly spoken of his desire to 'decimate' or 'remove' those considered traitors—journalists from 'Gazeta Wyborcza' or TVN, as well as left-wing MPs supporting the right to abortion. These are alarming declarations, regardless of our views. He has made criminal threats ('you will hang, sir') against the Minister of Health; he calls homosexual people 'sodomites,' despises refugees and non-believers. History has shown what 'Christian fascism' leads to when it gains real power: crimes against civilians and systemic persecutions. The difference is that the Belgian Christus Rex did not announce its intentions as openly and brutally as Braun's party does today.
Is Braun's Movement Fascist?
Yes, although it is not a copy of the form known from the 20th century. The 'revolutionary' nature of the KKP is so far more evident in the sphere of rhetoric than in deeds. Braun, despite declarations of wanting to overthrow democracy, for now chooses the safer parliamentary path, styling himself as the leader of 'moral renewal.' His baroque language and theatrical gestures fit him into the model of a charismatic leader who, by scaring with imaginary threats, pushes his supporters towards a fascist vision of the world. It is not excluded that in the future, the famous fire extinguisher will replace the swastika, and the 'traitors' and 'heretics' pointed out by the leader will really stand against the wall. In this vision, the current semblance of freedom will be replaced by a harsh law dictated by a fundamentalist interpretation of Catholic doctrine.
It can therefore be boldly stated that the Confederation of the Polish Crown constitutes an ideological continuation of the thoughts of the Belgian Rexists. Grzegorz Braun did not invent fascism anew—he simply perfectly fit into its contemporary framework.
